Elections are an essential feature of representative democracy, but can also involve conflict. If elections go beyond debate and get out of hand, it can result in election related violence. The outcome: death and suffering, destroyed communities with crippled local economies and development prospects. Moreover, it harms credibility and faith in democratic processes and institutions.
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Al cumplirse el décimo aniversario de la Carta Democrática Interamericana, International IDEA, la Unidad Andina para la Gobernabilidad Democrática del gobierno del Canadá, la Asociación Civil Transparencia y el Grupo de Amigos de las Carta del Centro Carter decidieron realizar en conjunto una jornada titulada ‘La democracia en el marco de la Carta Democrática Interamericana’.
Democratic accountability refers to the many ways in which citizens, political parties, parliaments and other democratic actors can provide feedback to, reward or sanction officials in charge of setting and enacting public policy.
The election of 197 women to the Constituent Assembly (CA) of Nepal in 2008 was a historic achievement and raised hopes with regard to ensuring gender equality in the constitution-building process.
The elected women comprised almost 33 per cent of the 601 members and included former politicians, women activists, professionals, former combatants and war widows.
Democratization in conflict-affected countries is a multidimensional challenge. Implementing democracy-assistance programs requires more sustained and strategic security, political and development support.
The threat posed by drugs and organized crime is one of the most serious challenges the five Andean democracies face today.
Drug policy has dominated the diplomatic and economic agendas between the countries, contributing to tensions among the governments and impeding cooperation on other priorities.
For over two decades, since the start of the so-called second wave of democratization, many voices in the Arab world have been calling for the implementation of radical reforms to the systems, institutions, frameworks and practices of all levels of governance in the region.
Beginning in late 2010, from Tunisia, Egypt and Libya to Syria, Yemen, Bahrain and Jordan, countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region have experienced individualized versions of what has come to be known as ‘The Arab Spring’.
In this context, moreover, these countries are now confronting their own versions of the multi-faceted, multi-layered democratic transition agenda.
The debate over whether religion has any ‘public’ role in a democratic transition is not limited to the question of electoral and legislative involvement by religious groups.
The common idea about the Arab democracy deficit is that it must have something to do with the rigidity of the way religion functions in the socio-political setting of the region.
In September 2011 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) and International IDEA jointly organized a conference on how to best address the role of customary governance structures in a variety of current and potential future democracy-building contexts.
Election experts from all over the world met in Gaborone, Botswana, on 7–9 March 2011 for the 5th Global Electoral Organization (GEO) conference, organized by International IDEA and the Botswana Independent Electoral Commission (IEC).
The development landscape is changing. The increased influence of the G20, the role of China as a donor and the failure of the Paris Agenda—only having met one of the 13 targets for 2010 in the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness at the global level—are likely to change the direction of international aid.
Donor efforts to support democracy and good governance have, in the past few years, been shaped by two dominant trends in international assistance to developing countries.
En una sociedad que se informa de política preponderantemente a través de los medios de comunicación masiva y desarrolla en este escenario la competencia electoral, la ausencia en estos espacios durante una campaña puede significar menores posibilidades de ser conocido(a) por parte del electorado, de transmitir propuestas y, en resumen, de apelar al voto.
La igualdad de género en la participación política constituye uno de los indicadores que suele tomarse en cuenta a la hora de evaluar el estado de avance del desarrollo de las democracias.
Constitution-building refers to processes for negotiating, drafting and implementing constitutions.
Many constitutions are framed following conflict. Increased intervention of the international community in the resolution of civil and intra-state conflicts has led in many cases to external actors extending their roles into constitution building. External intervention in constitution building presents challenges and pressures on these exercises of sovereignty.
Hasta hace poco más de 30 años, sólo tres países latinoamericanos gozaban de regímenes democráticos con procesos electorales competitivos: Colombia, Costa Rica y Venezuela.
An opening product of the Andean–US Dialogue Forum, this report is intended to spur conversations on more effective cooperation by identifying convergences and divergences in priorities among the countries and the citizens of Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia and the United States.
This publication’s richness lies in its having been prepared with the participation of civic leaders, public officials and managers of social programs in the Huancavelica region in Peru, in an individual and collective effort to improve these programs and ensure that they meet their goals.
Journalists and media outlets always operate in a given social, political and economic context that affects their interpretation of reality and the filters used to select what is ‘important’ and how it is presented to the public.
In the Latin American case, that context still presents various challenges when it comes to placing gender equality at the centre of the public debate and the behaviour, attitudes and perceptions of the citizens and all the actors.